TL rejects US rejection of UNESCO

Timor-Leste is one of the poorest countries in the world, and the United States is of the richest. Nevertheless, Timor-Leste's Parliament voted yesterday to defy United States policy on Palestine, making a special contribution to UNESCO to partially compensate for the U.S. cancellation of its contribution to the United Nations Educational, Social and Cultural Organization, whose budget had been 22% financed by the United States. The U.S. stopped funding in response to UNESCO's 107-14 vote on 31 October to accept Palestine as a full member.  

Timor-Leste's Parliament is currently debating the country's State Budget for 2012. During the debate on 17 November, MP Aniceto Guterres, leader of the opposition Fretilin party, proposed to add $1.5 million to the $1.76 billion budget as a contribution to UNESCO. Guterres explained that the agency is facing a financial crisis because the U.S. cancelled their support because the agency accepted Palestine.

During the debate on the amendment, some MPs expressed concerns about the political implications of repudiating U.S. policy. They emphasized that this support should be seen as a gesture of solidarity, and should not drag Timor-Leste into the political conflict facing the agency. Proponents clarified that the proposal is intended to give financial support to UNESCO, because UNESCO and other UN agencies supported TL's struggle for independence. Timor-Leste's Deputy Prime Minister Jose Luis Guterres (former Timor-Leste Ambassador to the U.S. and U.N.) and Vice Minister of Foreign Affairs welcomed and appreciated the proposal as gesture of solidarity, and the amendment was approved with 34 votes in favor, five opposed and 15 abstentions.

Debate on the budget will continue for another week, and more information is on La'o Hamutuk's website. Timor-Leste's Constitution states that the nation "shall extend its solidarity to the struggle of the peoples for national liberation."

LH asks Security Council to consider justice and sustainable development

On 22 November 2011, the United Nations Security Council discuss UNMIT.  La'o Hamutuk wrote to call Council's attention to some information and concerns. A slightly abridged version follows below, the original has footnotes but not links.

 

La’o Hamutuk
Timor-Leste Institute for Development Monitoring and Analysis
Rua Martires da Patria
Bebora, Dili, Timor-Leste

16 November 2011

Dear Distinguished Members of the United Nations Security Council:

The Timor-Leste Institute for Development Monitoring and Analysis (La’o Hamutuk) is a local civil society organization which has monitored and analyzed the mandates and activities of the United Nations in Timor-Leste since 2000, during four UN Missions. We frequently meet with UN officials and write to the Security Council, especially about the still unfulfilled promise by the international community to end impunity for crimes against humanity committed during the illegal Indonesian occupation between 1975 and 1999.

We have studied the Secretary-General’s recent report on UNMIT (S/2011/641) from January through September 2011 and would like to share some observations with you before your debate next week. We believe that the report leaves out some important issues, and would like to try to help give the Council a broader, deeper understanding of the situation in Timor-Leste and UNMIT.

Good Governance, Human Rights and Justice

The Secretary-General’s report is optimistic about the consolidation of peace, stability and development  in Timor-Leste.  That optimism is based on assurances by political and State leaders,  superficial progress of the situation, and the efforts by the UN and other agencies to consolidate peace and stability through institutional and capacity building.

Unfortunately, there is often a gap between leaders’ words and what most citizens experience every day. Considering current realities here, the positive steps taken by UNMIT, other agencies and Timor-Leste’s government in recent years do not fully address people’s essential and long term needs.

Continuing impunity for past crimes undermines peace, stability and development. When accountability is ignored, institutional consolidation alone cannot overcome weaknesses which threaten to undo the accomplishments of UN missions in Timor-Leste over the last twelve years. We regret that the current report  appears not to understand this fundamental principle.

The 2006 crisis should teach us a lesson, and similar crises can arise in future if impunity continues to flourish. Although the UN and others previously highlighted impunity for 1975-1999 crimes and the 2006 crisis as a cause of future instability, that lesson may have been forgotten. Even with functional state institutions working to maintain peace, stability and justice, the lack of accountability is a time bomb that can explode at any time. Stability requires every citizen to comply with the rule of law, and that everyone is confident that others will also do so. As we discuss below, impunity undermines this bedrock of democracy.

Socio-economic development

We remain concerned about the UN’s preoccupation with maintaining security through police and military force.  As we wrote to the Security Council in February 2010:
“People feel secure when they can live without fear of crime, civil disorder, repression, starvation, disease, and other major disruptions to the lives of their families. Although some of these concerns can be addressed with ‘security forces,’ the more difficult and fundamental ones require inclusive, equitable service delivery and economic development. Indeed, if significant numbers of people remain impoverished and alienated -- while a few enjoy the benefits of affluence and power -- no amount of bullying by men and women with guns can provide security.” 

Last July, La’o Hamutuk expressed this concern to the Development Partners Meeting in Dili:
“Avoiding or preventing physical conflict should not be the primary dimension for measuring effectiveness of a government or donor program. Improving the quality of people’s lives –as defined by international standards for human rights (economic and social as well as civil and political) – is also relevant. Starvation, diarrhea, kidney disease and toxic pollutants can be just as fatal as bullets, and far more Timorese people are killed by preventable diseases than by violence. For example, the great majority of the more than 2,000 Timorese children under five who die every year are victims of avoidable or curable conditions, while homicide took only 39 lives in Timor-Leste 2010.” 

We regret that the Secretary-General’s report  and UNMIT itself fail to give enough attention to atrocious sanitation, nutrition and health care that kill and injure far more people than causes which can be addressed by soldiers and police officers. We encourage the Security Council to give more attention to human resource development (education and health), agriculture and non-oil industrial development which can free this country from import dependency and reduce poverty sustainably, over the long term.

Unfortunately, the National Priorities and Millennium Development Goals deal more with organizational structures than effective measures, and budget allocations by Timor-Leste’s government and development partners fail to comply with these priorities or adequately address these goals, spending the lion’s share of their resources on physical infrastructure and policing.

The Millennium Development Goals-Suco program to build five houses per year in each sub-village  is problematic. Not only is it costing more than twice the budgeted amount, but the use of imported, prefabricated houses undercuts local industrial and economic development and the sustainability of these homes. La’o Hamutuk discussed this in our recent submission to Parliament on the proposed State Budget for 2012.

We appreciate the publication of the long-awaited 2011 UNDP National Human Development Report Managing Natural Resources for Human Development: Developing the Non-Oil Economy to Achieve the Millennium Development Goals,   but regret that UNDP retreated when the Government attacked the report, removing it from UNDP’s website  (it is still available from La'o Hamutuk) and failing to publish a Tetum version.

The Secretary-General’s report mentions that state expenditures are driving strong economic growth,  but fails to discuss inequalities inherent in this growth, which is largely concentrated in the capital and among companies receiving government contracts. The living conditions of the majority of our people, outside the capital and not among the upper class, have barely improved or gotten worse. Although cash transfers have helped some avoid starvation, this will be unsustainable when already-declining oil and gas revenues run out in about 12 years. Timor-Leste’s non-oil private sector today consists almost entirely of subsistence agriculture, importers and government contractors.  If local production to replace imports and add value to agricultural products is not improved, poverty will increase drastically when the oil revenues run out.

Timor-Leste’s total petroleum wealth could pay for public spending equivalent to $1.72/citizen/day for the next 40 years.  The proposed $1.76 billion 2012 budget, a 35% increase over 2011, will spend at more than double that rate, and is enabled only by nonrenewable petroleum revenues. Timor-Leste has a billion-dollar non-oil trade deficit in goods and services; how can this continue after the oil and gas are used up?

La’o Hamutuk has expressed concerns about the new TimorGAP National Oil Company  and the proposal to develop the “Tasi Mane” southwest coast petroleum infrastructure corridor. We believe that they are misguided and will not help Timor-Leste escape petroleum dependency, and encourage the Security Council and UNMIT to support Timor-Leste’s sustainable, non-oil development.

During the last decade, UN missions around the world, including in Timor-Leste, have learned lessons about drawing down and preparing for their termination. We hope that the UNMIT withdrawal from Timor-Leste next year will gain from these experiences. In particular, we urge continuing UN engagement in areas of economic development and human rights.

Refusing to accept permanent impunity

During the last 13 years, the UN has taken some actions to reduce impunity for crimes against humanity committed during the Indonesian occupation. This Council established the Serious Crimes Unit and Special Panels in 2000, but their mandate was unfortunately restricted the last ten months of the 24-year illegal occupation. The SCU indicted 391 people but was only able to bring 87 (all Timorese) to trial, convicting 84. The rest are shielded from accountability by Indonesia, and the UN has not taken effective action to end this violation of international law.

Unfortunately, the UN is not following its own principle – reaffirmed by the nations of the world in the Rome Statute – never to tolerate enduring impunity anywhere in the world. This betrayal is especially egregious in Timor-Leste, both because of the pervasive, prolonged nature of the crimes and because they were committed by agents of one state against citizens of another. The UN Security Council and General Assembly explicitly condemned them numerous times between 1975 and 1999.

As we move toward the end of UNMIT’s mission next year, the UN has unacceptably circumscribed the scope of UNMIT’s work to end impunity. In 2006, Security Council Resolution 1704 instructed UNMIT to finish investigations for 1999 cases not completed by the Serious Crimes Unit, establishing the Serious Crimes Investigation Team (SCIT) with no mandate to issue indictments or prosecute alleged perpetrators.  Even if SCIT finishes its work before UNMIT ends, there is no avenue to achieve accountability. Indonesian officials continue to obstruct justice, and Timor-Leste’s leaders – responsible for a tiny, new nation which has suffered horrendously from crimes by its western neighbor – remain cautious without credible assurance of international support.

The July conviction and sentencing to nine years imprisonment of Besi Merah Putih militia member Valentim Lavio  was not successful because the prolonged process and lack of pre-sentencing detention allowed him to flee to Indonesia; his co-indictee also remains at large. Once again, failures of the international community to prevent impunity have enabled a criminal to escape accountability.

Recommendations for the UN Security Council and UNMIT

1. Consider Timor-Leste as a test case for accountability for crimes against humanity, creating an opportunity to redeem the name of the United Nations by showing that the institution and its member states are serious about their promise never to tolerate impunity. One initial step would be to discuss and act on the recommendations of the 2005 Commission of Experts,  which include the creation of international mechanisms when national ones are incapable of achieving accountability.  In addition, the Security Council could extend SCIT’s mandate and duration to include investigating and prosecuting serious crimes committed as part of the Indonesian occupation of Timor-Leste between 1975 and 1998, and allocating sufficient resources to this task.
2. Assist Timor-Leste’s economic development in a realistic, sustainable way which does not depend on temporary and capital-intensive petroleum infrastructure. In addition to supporting Government priorities and programs, the UN can provide expertise and longer-term perspectives for long-term, non-oil development. In particular, the UN could help Timor-Leste to develop its human resources – especially education and health care – to enable its future development.
3. Remember that during 2012, Timor-Leste’s government and citizens will be dealing with many pressing issues in addition to elections and UNMIT withdrawal, and look for ways that the United Nations and the international community can avoid neglecting other critical concerns.

UNMIT is likely to leave Timor-Leste a little over a year from now, but more than a million Timorese people will continue to live here, and deserve better support from the international community than they have received during the last 36 years.

Sincerely,      
José Pereira,   Inês Martins,  Mariano Ferreira, Juvinal Dias, Charles Scheiner
La’o Hamutuk

Reflections 20 years after the Santa Cruz demonstration

Reflections for the Progressive University Group
Twenty Year Santa Cruz Commemoration at Dili University
By Charles Scheiner, ETAN and La’o Hamutuk
11 November 2011 (translated from Tetum)
(Bele hetan Tetum no Ingles iha ne'e)

Thank you Maun Atino, and I appreciate the wisdom and history we just heard from two Antonios. I am grateful to the Klibur Universade Progresivu (KUP) for organizing this important event, and for inviting me to participate.

Tonight, I’m honored to be with so many young Timorese people who believe in justice and independence. Twenty years ago, brave people just like you peacefully demonstrated against the Indonesian occupation of your country. Nobody paid them, or ordered them, or told them it would be safe or easy.

The Santa Cruz protesters inspired people around the world, including me. I was in New York, and I heard about the massacre on community radio. Although I already knew about Indonesia’s illegal occupation here, and about the criminal support my Government was giving to it, I hadn’t done much to stop it.

A month after the Santa Cruz massacre, I and some other friends organized a peaceful protest at the Indonesian Mission to the UN. We didn’t risk being shot or tortured, but we knew we had to speak out in solidarity with the heroes of Santa Cruz who risked and lost their lives in the struggle for self-determination. It was much easier for us than it was for your parents – but it was also hard, because so many other Americans didn’t know or care that our Government was complicit with Indonesia in committing crimes against humanity in Timor-Leste.

Our demonstration grew into a movement – the East Timor Action Network (ETAN) – that had more than 15,000 members and 25 chapters all across the United States by 1999. Through public education, lobbying, demonstrations, outreach, coalition-building and every other kind of nonviolent action we could think of, we turned U.S. policy around. Washington had provided most of the weapons and training for the Indonesian military from 1975 until 1991, but pressure from American citizens cut it off. By 1998, the United States Government had abandoned Suharto and was supporting self-determination – helping to open a door for the people of Timor-Leste to finally end Indonesia’s occupation.

It’s 12 years later now, 20 years after the Santa Cruz massacre and the founding of the East Timor Action Network.  RDTL has been independent for nine years.  You have your own government, your own leaders, your own political debates, your own successes… and your own mistakes. I feel privileged to live here during this period, traveling that journey with you. Building a peaceful, democratic nation, with economic and social justice for its entire population, may be even harder than throwing out the Indonesian army and police.

We are still far from some of our goals. In particular, the foreigners responsible for crimes against humanity and war crimes committed against the Timorese people have not been held accountable.
These were international crimes – the Indonesian invasion of Portuguese Timor (RDTL after 28 November 1975, but Indonesian aggression started before that) violated international law, as dud the thousands of massacres, tortures, rapes, killings and other crimes that were part of the occupation. When people are ordered or paid by one government to commit crimes against people in another country, those are international crimes. When other governments, including my own, give political, military, diplomatic or financial support to these crimes, they also become criminals.

As a U.S. citizen (I am not yet a Timorese citizen, but hope to become one), I have to apologize to the people of Timor-Leste because I and my fellow Americans took so long to stop our Government from supporting crimes against you, while tens of thousands of Timorese people were killed. As a human being, I join the Timorese people – including survivors and victims’ families – in calling for an end to impunity for crimes against humanity.

A hero of my country – ex-slave Frederick Douglass – once said that “Power never concedes anything without a demand.”  If we want justice, we have to demand it – it will not come by itself.

As you know, there was progress a few years ago. Between 1999 and 2005, Commissions of Inquiry established by the United Nations, Indonesia and Timor-Leste recognized the international nature of the huge crimes committed here and called for the prosecution of those who perpetrated them. During UNTAET, the UN Serious Crimes Unit indicted nearly 400 people for crimes committed during 1999, bringing 87 to trial and convicting 84.  But everyone brought to trial was Timorese, and none of them are still in prison.  None of the people who murdered Santa Cruz protesters twenty years ago were Timorese.

A larger problem is the 300 people indicted by the SCU who have never been arrested because Indonesia is sheltering them. And even more fundamental, no action has been taken against those who directed and executed the 99% of occupation-related crimes committed during its first 23 years. Those perpetrators were carrying out criminal policies of the Suharto dictatorship, and most of them were soldiers following orders from Jakarta, shooting guns made in the United States, flying bombers from Britain or the U.S., getting political support from Australia or Malaysia or France.

The United Nations says there must never be impunity for Crimes Against Humanity. In 2002, nations from all over the world established the International Criminal Court to try such crimes when national processes are unwilling or unable to – but unfortunately it has no power to judge crimes committed before the court was set up.  In 2005, this global consensus was reflected by a UN Commission of Experts, who concluded that an international tribunal should be created if judicial processes in Indonesia and Timor-Leste fail to achieve justice for crimes committed during Indonesia’s occupation of Timor-Leste. But today, the UN runs away – they and the other responsible governments and agencies say that Timor-Leste’s Government has the responsibility but not the will to end impunity.

For some of us – Timorese and foreigners – the struggle is not over. We draw courage from people like Argentinian justice activist Patricia Isasa, who visited here last month. She campaigned for 33 years before her torturers and kidnappers were finally sent to prison.

Here, our justice campaign is only 12 years old. Although the UN, other Governments, and some Timorese politicians prioritize diplomatic relations with formerly hostile nearby Governments over justice, and although some say economic development is more important than accountability, there is no need to choose.

Relations between democratic states can go well even while criminals are brought to justice. People’s economic lives – including victims of past crimes -- can improve at the same time that masterminds of those crimes are brought to court.  There is no need to choose among economic, social and criminal justice.

We, citizens of countries from around the world who support Timor-Leste’s people, will continue to demand that our governments and the United Nations keep their promises that impunity can never be accepted.

Today, ETAN issued a press release calling “for the U.S. and other governments and the United Nations to commit to justice for the victims and their families. The 1991 massacre was a major turning point in Timor-Leste’s struggle for liberation. When we saw and heard about the Indonesian military shooting down hundreds of peaceful, unarmed student protesters, we knew we had to do something to stop the killing. The Santa Cruz massacre inspired many around the world to work for justice for the East Timorese people.”

Earlier this week former General Taur Matan Ruak said “Justisa sei iha” (there will be justice). President Jose Ramos-Horta hopes that a courageous, young Indonesian prosecutor may bring high-level criminals to court five or ten years from now.

But it will never happen if we don’t continue to demand it. People in Timor-Leste, together with our friends in Indonesia, the United States and around the world, should see today’s anniversary as an opportunity – and a challenge – to renew our commitment to struggle for justice. Since neither the Indonesian nor Timor-Leste governments are yet ready to end impunity, it is up to us.

Obrigado. A luta continua!

Budget debate starts in Parliamentary Plenary

On  9 November, Timor-Leste's Parliament began debating the $1.76 billion proposed state budget for 2012, a 35% increase over last year and the fastest-growing budget in the world (except for hyperinflation-plagued Zimbabwe).  The Prime Minister presented the budget, and Parliament's Economics Committee C presented its report  (Portuguese original).

Committee C's in-depth report includes hundreds recommendations from the other Parliamentary Committees. Committee C itself questions the macroeconomic foundations of the budget, its economic policy objectives, its excessive reliance on petroleum revenue, poor management of treasury funds and promotion of Public-Private Partnerships. The Committee asked for more information and studies before contracting public debt, and recommended better monitoring and control of the Petroleum Fund. It urged that the non-oil deficit not grow faster than non-oil GDP and encouraged development of the non-oil economy.  After listing the possible benefits from a massive local housing construction project, the Committee lamented that the Government's plan did "not meet any of the criteria described" and would have no multiplier effect, with negative impacts.  La'o Hamutuk raised many of these concerns in our submission to the Committee a few weeks ago, and we appreciate that the Parliamentarians agree with our analysis.

La'o Hamutuk's budget web page continues to provide comprehensive budget information, documents and analysis from all sources, including the two linked to above. We recently published two articles in local newspapers: Orsamentu Jeral Estadu 2012 ha’belit liu tan Malisan Rekursu ba Timor-Leste and Compania Investimentu Timor-Leste, Investe ka Fakar Osan?

The Ministry of Finance has also opened a web page on the daily budget debate, which is being broadcast live on TVTL. While we welcome the additional transparency, we regret that the Ministry's page includes only material issued by the Government.

TL unchanged in 2011 UNDP Human Development Index

On 2 November, the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) released their 2011 Human Development Report, entitled “Sustainability and Equity: A Better Future for All.” In addition to the thematic discussion and data on health, education, gender, economics and other factors, the UNDP calculates a “Human Development Index” (HDI) for each country. The HDI combines life expectancy, education (school enrollment) and gross national income (GNI) to produce a composite measure of human development.

The 2011 HDI for Timor-Leste is 0.495, which attempts to describe the situation here in 2009, and gives Timor-Leste a rank lower than 147 out of 187 countries with data. This is essentially the same as last year, when a score of 0.491 produced the same rank. Comparing HDI scores from different years is challenging, as UNDP often changes the methodology used to calculate them, as shown in the above graph and explained on La'o Hamutuk's website.

Unfortunately, reliable statistical data on this country is hard to get, and the 2010 census results were released too late to use them. Similarly, economists have to depend on projections from 2007 until the living standards survey currently in process is published in 2012. Even more problematic, the HDI for Timor-Leste still uses 2001 information about expected years of schooling; rendering the education component of HDI meaningless for analysis over time.The health component of Timor-Leste's HDI -- life expectancy -- is extrapolated from the 2004 census, and therefore doesn't reflect events during the past seven years. Timor-Leste's HDI essentially represents oil and gas revenues -- increasing as production ramped up in 2005-2008, and declining as inflation erodes purchasing power in recent years.

La'o Hamutuk is concerned about the attention given to numbers generated by flawed methodologies, as well as with politically-motivated boasts and attacks which often defy credibility. We know that Timor-Leste has many people in poverty, that we are still nearly entirely dependent on imports, and that local economic and agricultural production is far below where it should be. Looking around, we see unacceptable levels of education and health care and a budget which prioritizes physical infrastructure over human development.

Our only producing oil and gas fields will run dry in 12 years, and we don't need numbers to understand what that means. Petroleum income pays for 90% of the state budget, which is growing faster than every country except Zimbabwe.

Acting Audit Court reviews 2010 State Accounts

Under Timor-Leste's 2009 Budget and Financial Management Law, the High Administrative, Tax and Audit Court is responsible to review the annual audited report of State Finances. Since the HATAC hasn't been established yet, the Appeals Court is doing its function. On 20 October 2011, the Court sent Parliament its Opinion  (Portuguese original) on the 2010 State Accounts, and on 28 October, Parliament Committee C held a hearing with the Minister of Finance. La'o Hamutuk wrote a letter (also Tetum) with some of our concerns about the Opinion, which is abridged below:

We do not understand or agree with the Court’s concluding Opinion that the state accounts are valid. The court identified too many fundamental flaws, and we describe several others below, to reach this conclusion.

The Court should have been given more information than the Government provided, as the current Opinion points out. We encourage Government to be more forthcoming to the Court, Parliament and the public. We support the Court's recommendations for a more disaggregated, comprehensive and accurate system to manage and report on state finances, as well as for better systems for reconciliation and control of cash.


Rapid budget growth is a symptom of the resource curse. During 2008-2012, Timor-Leste’s State Budget grew faster than any nation in the world except Zimbabwe, and it is not sustainable, manageable or producing good results. The 2010 mid-year budget was an extreme case, which transferred a lot of money out of the Petroleum Fund without a valid reason, sacrificing future generations for current greed.

Taking more than the Estimated Sustainable Income (ESI) from the Petroleum Fund for short-term convenience violates both the Petroleum Fund Law and good policy. It is illegal to withdraw money from the Petroleum Fund merely to increase the balance in the Treasury account for the following year. During December 2010, the Ministry of Finance directed the BPA to transfer $211 million from the Fund, although the Treasury contained enough for several months’ expenses. At the end of the year, the Treasury Account held $340 million dollars, the highest amount in Timor-Leste’s history.

The Court recommended that donor assistance be included in this review and in the State’s budget execution reports. We do not share this view, except for possible future direct budgetary support from donors. 


The Court mentions evidence of possible violations of law. We hope that they provide full information to the Anti-Corruption Commission.

The end-of-the-year budget execution rush is bad policy. The graph at right shows the 235 contracts over $250,000 that Timor-Leste signed during 2010, totaling nearly $700 million. Nearly half (107) were signed during November and December. Hasty spending before the fiscal year ends often leads to waste, corruption and poor outcomes.

The Court should have discussed the largest outlay in 2010, the national electricity project. La’o Hamutuk has written extensively about this debacle, but we remain hopeful that Timor-Leste will learn from it. Timor-Leste signed a $330 million (later increased to $406 million) contract without competitive bidding on 15 September 2010 with Puri Akraya Engineering to build the power stations. The previous December, Timor-Leste’s largest contract ever ($367 million) was signed with Chinese Nuclear Industries No. 22 (for the same power plants and the national high voltage grid), which was reduced to $298 million when PAE was contracted. These two contracts totaled $629 million at the end of 2010 (they are still increasing; today the total project cost is around a billion dollars and rising).

Parliament had not approved the outlays obligated by these contracts, which are ten times  more than the 2010 budget says. The 2010 mid-year budget adjustment appropriated $60 million for this project during 2010 (budget execution reports say that $90 million was spent), but omitted multi-year costs. The original 2010 budget gives a project cost of $48 million, with no expenditures listed after 2010.

To avoid repeating similar violations, we encourage Government to implement a system to provide accurate information to Parliament and the public about total expected costs of multi-year projects and future contractual obligations, including alterations while the projects are being implemented.

We discussed many of these issues in more detail in our submission to Parliament last week on the proposed 2012 State Budget.

Public Meeting/Enk. Publiku with Patricia Isasa

Tetum iha kraik
Argentinian torture survivor and human rights activist has been in Timor-Leste for a few weeks, meeting with victims, justice campaigners and officials in Suai, Maliana and Dili, sharing her experience of a successful, 33-year struggle to bring her torturers to justice.  Although she was 'disappeared' in 1976 and imprisoned for more than two years, it took until 2009 for an Argentinian court to convict six of "her" perpetrators and sentence them to long prison terms.

Patricia will share her experiences in a public meeting "Forgetting Past Crimes Strangles Justice Today and Tomorrow." The meeting, which is free and open to the public will be in Tetum and English.

Friday, 28 October, 9:00 am - 1:00 pm
at CAVR (ex-comarca/prison), Balide, Dili

Speakers:

Patricia Isasa: "Strategies and Challenges in Struggling for Justice"

Ines Martins: "Justice for Timor-Leste is still an Unresolved International Obligation"

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Relasiona ho Visita Aktivista Justisa Sra. Patrisia Isasa mai iha Timor Leste iha fulan ida nia laran, atu fahe ninia esperensia no ninia hanoin konaba luta kontra Ditadura Militar iha Arjentina iha tempu neba to hetan duni justisa ba ninia an hodi hatama autor nebe halo violensia kontra nia no povu Arjentina ba Tribunal to tama ba Komarka.

Bazeia ba esperensia nebe mak Timor Leste mos infrenta iha tempu pasadu iha okupasaun Indonesia nia ukun ho Ditadura Militar, ami husi Lao hamutuk organiza Enkontru Publiku iha Dili ho topiku jeral  “Haluha Krime Pasadu, Hamate Justisa iha Agora no Futuru”. Ba Enkontru publiku nee, ami nakloke hodi konvida ita boot sira atu mai partisipa hodi rona no mos fahe Esperensia ba malu atu nune ita hamutuk luta ba hakotu korenti Impunidade nebe mak agora buras iha rai doben Timor Leste.
Enkontru Publiku nee sei halao iha ;

Loron        :  Sesta-feira, 28 Outobru 2011
Fatin        :  STP- CAVR (ex. Komarka Balide)
Oras        : 08:30 - 13:00    

Narador mak 

Sra. Patrisia Isasa : ho topiku Estrategia no Dezafiu luta ba krime Pasadu hodi hetan Justisa

Ines Martins husi Lao Hamutuk : ho topiku Justisa ba Timór-Leste Nafatin Nu'udar Obrigasaun Internasionál ida ne'ebé Seidauk Atínje.